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Historian and author Lyall Campbell has made a life-long study of Sable
Island’s history. He is one of the few authorities on the history of Sable
Island - and is probably the world’s expert on Sable of the 16th
through 19th centuries. Lyall has prepared the following account for the
Sable Island Green Horse Society.
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Sable Island's First People and Livestock
By Lyall Campbell, 2006
Sable Island's history
began as an offshoot of Europe's. It stemmed from the pursuit of power and
profit in the so-called New World. Sable's lure was distinct from that of
its embracing sea. The waters around it spawned a treasure of codfish. But
the operative term in ‘Sable Island' was ‘land'. Explorers saw Sable as a
place to plant their nation's flag. Discovery created a claim that
settlement would confirm. Sable also embodied a safe base for exploration of
the mainland.
Discovery of Sable
Island
The human story of Sable
begins with a mystery. Who discovered the island? First to spring to mind
are inhabitants of the nearby mainland. Natives came to settle there after
the last Ice Age. These discoverers of Nova Scotia were the forerunners of
today's Mi'kmaq Indians. (The Mi'kmaq were called Souriquois by the early
French and then generally Micmac. Mi'kmaq is the preferred form today.)
Aboriginals have
lived in the region for some 11,000 years. Their development rivals that of
Sable Island itself. The annual round of the Mi'kmaq way of life has been
traced. They spent at least part of every year on the seacoast. There they
caught fish, collected shellfish, and hunted sea mammals. Their water
transport was by birchbark canoe. The Mi'kmaq could travel along the coast
and even make the crossing to Newfoundland. They could ply the waters of
Northumberland Strait and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. There fish, seals, and
walrus abounded. But the Mi'kmaq were not sea adventurers. They did not,
like the Nootka of the west coast, pursue whales far offshore. They
preferred to seek fish, mussels, clams, and lobsters nearer home. Put
simply, the Mi'kmaq had no need to go as far to sea as Sable Island. Their
culture did not demand such a trip into the unknown. A Mi'kmaq/Sable link is
opposed, as well, by two basic facts. 1) No known native tradition refers to
it. 2) Sable itself has yielded no long-buried native artifacts. So,
Aboriginal discovery of Sable is doubtful. The island was not sighted first
by men from this continent.
This brings us to
transatlantic visitors. The first Europeans to reach North America were the
Vikings. The big question is, How far did they get? Squatters lived at Anse
Au Meadows in northern Newfoundland for some time. From there, they might
have followed the coast southward and westward. Their skill and hardiness
were up to any sea voyage. The same is true of their vessels. Experts have
argued in favour of their reaching Cape Breton and even New England. But
none has yet claimed that they chanced on Sable Island. Again, no artifact
at Sable prompts such a belief.
The 1400s brought a
marine renaissance in Europe. Equipment and techniques improved. Ships
became larger and more seaworthy. Navigational instruments allowed clearer
readings. Maps and charts recorded more extensive data. These changes formed
a whole greater than the sum of the parts. Southern Europe led the way in
theoretical knowledge. The Italians and Portuguese excelled, the former as
chart makers, the latter as explorers. Mariners embraced the means to extend
their voyages. The feedback from their ventures enlarged the known world.
The Portuguese explored
down the African coast and also westward. Well out to sea, they discovered
a number of islands. The Canaries, Madeira, Cape Verde, and Azores all
yielded riches. And as bases, they lengthened the range of Portuguese
fishermen. Meanwhile the English fished as far west-ward as Iceland and
Greenland. Here Norse sagas of long ago told of the Vikings' sojourn yet
farther west. And seafolk passed down legends by word of mouth. Some of this
lore must have reached English ears. Men employed at Iceland by Bristol
merchants would bring stories home. They spoke of far-flung lands across the
North Atlantic.
The venturesome
Portuguese expanded their trade. Northward it reached Bristol, which became
a chief trading partner. So this port was active in both Iceland and
Portuguese trades. Two traditions therefore met at Bristol. One was English
skill in sailing North Atlantic waters. The other was knowledge of the new
techniques from Southern Europe. Each tradition also had a mythical aspect.
Both posited islands lying far to the west. (Any land there was assumed to
be islands. No continent was thought to lie between Europe and Asia.
The English, it seems,
began the new transatlantic quest. Bristol merchants led the way. In the
early 1480s, they tried at least twice to find the (mythical) Isle of Brasil.
The exact purpose of these voyages is unclear. They may have been seeking a
landmark for a new fishing ground. Or they may
have hoped to reprise the Portuguese
success with islands. Brasil might be a source of wealth in its own
right. The ultimate goal, of course, was to find a western route to the
fabulous east. It is possible that one Bristol voyage sighted Newfoundland.
In any case, nothing remarkable followed
The Portuguese success
had drawn budding explorers from Italy. One such was a Genovese named
Christopher Columbus. Portugal, however, failed to adopt
his vision. So Columbus
sailed in the service of Spain. He thought he had reached Asia, but he
actually did far more. Columbus opened the Americas for Europe. The Columbus
discoveries, though, were too far south to have an impact on
Sable Island. That role would go to
another Genovese in Portugal. This explorer opted for England as a
new base. At higher latitudes, the
westward route to land promised to be shorter. The immigrant settled
in Bristol and became known as John Cabot. Here he made contact with
merchants and fishermen explorers. He also gained access to the king. Armed
with royal letters patent, he made two round-trip voyages. The most
successful one took place in 1497. Cabot sailed in the bark
Matthew under the auspices of Bristol merchants. He made a
landing in present-day Newfoundland. Cabot, too, thought he had reached the
outskirts of Asia. He envisioned riches in spices and jewels spawned by
trade with the east. He was right about potential wealth but wrong about the
source. As his voyage reported, the waters off Newfoundland teemed with
fish.
After Cabot, ships
flocked across the North Atlantic. Most of them came to Newfoundland to
fish. England opened the fishery. The first known cargo of fish from
American waters came to Bristol, in 1502. But the English were soon
superseded. Some Portuguese, yet more French, came to hook the cod. Most
ships at Newfoundland were Norman or Breton; others were crewed by French or
Spanish Basques. (Some writers have proposed that the Basques found the
western fishery before Cabot. So far, the claim lacks proof. Basques later
pursued whales and cod in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The route to their prey
went around Newfoundland. It took them nowhere near Sable Island.)
A number of explorers
also made voyages. (They realized that Asia was still a long way off. But
far islands were sought as stepping-stones to the east. When America proved
to be a continent, the goal would change. The search for a way through or
around it - the Northwest Passage - began.) These adventurers sought
knowledge and profits. Portuguese and Spanish efforts dominated. The records
of the voyages that survive are mostly on maps. The best maps are works of
art. Like art, they are subject to interpretation. They are too vague to
pinpoint any landing in Nova Scotia or sighting
offshore. Their endless scrutiny by
experts has furnished not proof but dispute. They do not answer the
question, Who discovered Sable Island?
Portuguese Discoverers
of Sable
Two men claimed to have
discovered Sable Island. Both were Portuguese. The first was João Alvares
Fagundes. Evidence favouring him, though
slight, is persuasive. Fagundes was a nobleman of Viana do
Castelo, a fishing town in Northern
Portugal. His family were rich landowners. They were not engaged in
the fishery or commercial enterprise. Several held high office in the clergy
of town and province. Fagundes himself
may have served as a naval officer. At any rate, his king believed him
capable at sea. Manoel
I
gave him a charter to make discoveries in the west. Fagundes was to pay his
own expenses. The time and route of this voyage are not precisely known. Its
parameters, though, are clear. It explored off Newfoundland and Nova Scotia.
And it took place before 15 March 1521. On that day, the king issued letters
patent to Fagundes. They granted him a hereditary captaincy over lands he
said he discovered. These lands included "the island Santa Cruz, which lies
at the foot of the bank." Much later, the French author Lescarbot wrote that
the Grand Bank(s) "endeth (by the report of mariners) about the Isle of
Sablon, or sand." Fagundes's Santa Cruz, it seems, was Sable Island.
The making of this case
brings up problems. They involve the dating of maps, plus changes of name
and location for the island. Santa Cruz showed up first in the work of
Portuguese mapmaker Pedro Reinel. Two famous Reinel maps are extant, in
Paris and Munich. The first is known as Miller
No.1; the second, Kunstmann
I.
The great American historian Samuel E. Morison studied both. Of the
Kunstmann, he said: "Although the date generally assigned to this Reinel Map
is 1504/5, it cannot be earlier than 1521, as it incorporates some of the
discoveries of João Alvares Fagundes." The same applied to the Miller: "It
is clearly post-Fagundes.”
Reinel's Santa Cruz was
placed at 44°N 51°W. This location is south by east of St. John's,
Newfoundland. It is some 450 miles (720 km) east of Sable Island. Later maps
placed it as close as 300 miles (480 km).
Some of them showed other islands south of Newfoundland with different
names. The names included João Alvares and Fagunda. These point to
Fagundes as the discoverer. "On many charts of the same period also appears
an island named ‘I. de Sablo.’” Eventually, this island was placed at 44°N
60°W. This reading denotes Sable's true location.
The variety of island
names is confusing. The different locations are even more so. Yet one
scholar argues that all refer to Sable Island. In his view, the
misplacements were not mistakes. The deception stemmed from the politics of
the time. The basic cause was the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494. By it,
Spain and Portugal divided the new lands to the west. The line of division
was set at 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands. It was thought to run
between Cape Breton and Newfoundland, at about 60° west. Lands found west of
this line were deemed Spanish. Portugual's rights applied to lands east of
it. (England's Henry
VII
had not signed the treaty. So he simply ignored it.) The 60° meridian passes
through Sable Island. Portugal aimed to avoid legal conflict with Spain over
"this prime piece of real estate.” So Portuguese maps placed the island too
far east (under various names). They thus put it well within their assumed
zone. Mapmakers in other countries unwittingly copied the fraud. The deceit
also had another purpose. The false eastern sites for Sable were in the zone
of theGrand Banks fishery. Portugal could claim Sable by right of discovery.
So, "The cartographic success of Fagundes's voyage assured
Portugal of the legal right to a vital source of national revenue accruing
from the Newfoundland Banks." Meanwhile, Fagundes and his compatriots could
ignore the maps. They had access to more accurate sailing charts. They knew
that there were no islands at sea south of Newfoundland. Beyond question,
the Portuguese knew where Sable Island was.
As mentioned, a second
Portuguese claim to Sable discovery was lodged. It came long after the
alleged fact. The claimant, in 1568, was named Manoel de Barcelos. Manoel
said that he and his father Diogo had discovered the island. They named it
Barcellona de Sam Bardão. And on it, "they have (or he has) been breeding
herds of cows, sheep, goats and swine." The next step would be to plant
settlers. Which is exactly what Manoel and one of his sons aimed to do.
Westward ventures had a
long tradition in the Barcelos family. It began with Manoel's grandfather
Pedro. Details of his career are elusive. "We know that Pedro de Barcelos
remained until his death in 1507 actively
interested in the New Lands." Pedro's son Diogo
followed his lead. Between 1521 and 1531, Diogo explored to the west.
His son Manoel accompanied him. They sailed under a charter from the king.
It allowed them to search for lands across the Atlantic at their own
expense. They made some unspecified discoveries. At Diogo's death, about
1533, Manoel became leader of the clan. He made several more transatlantic
voyages. In at least one, his cousin Marcos de Barcelos went with him. The
ongoing quest by the Barcelos argues some success. That they were exploiting
an overseas island by the 1560s is quite
likely. Equally likely is that their livestock farm was Sable Island.
Scholars have accepted
Barcellona de Sam Bardão as Sable Island. This conclusion is based partly on
old maps. Noteworthy written records also support it. (For instance, the
writings of Hakluyt and Champlain. Both authors refer to Portuguese cattle
on Sable. The herd is said to date from the 1550s.) Suggestive, too, are
ties between the Barcelos and Fagundes families. The Barcelos family were
natives of Terceira in the Azores. A branch of the Fagundes clan moved to
Terceira. There they and the Barcelos intermarried. The Barcelos claim of
Sable discovery perhaps embellished the facts. The basis for it may have
been kinship with Fagundes. Another point, as well, could be relevant. At
that time, ‘discover' did not mean only ‘saw first.' It might mean simply
‘explore and reveal.' The Barcelos may
well have been the first explorers on foot, so to speak, at Sable. Even so,
this would not prove they sighted the island before Fagundes.
A sidelight to these
events is suggestive. Azoreans and mainland Portuguese may have tried to
found a colony in Cape Breton. The evidence is still inconclusive. But it
prompts speculation. Fagundes had explored the coast facing Sable. The king
then granted him rights in the discovered lands. "He was authorized to
occupy and govern these lands and to manage the soaphouses there."
David Quinn, an expert on the Age of
Discovery, noted two necessities for making soap. Train oil was
a chief ingredient. And plenty of timber was needed to boil blubber and make
soap ash. Quinn cited whales and fish as the sources of train oil. Better
than fish, however, were seals and walrus. Both of these were plentiful at
Sable Island. But treeless Sable, of course, was short on timber.
A possible scenario
comes to mind. A party of men might settle on Sable with livestock. They
could add to the food supply from sea and lake. They might even cultivate
kitchen gardens. To make soap, they would slaughter seals and walrus for
their blubber. Driftwood made fuel for boiling some of it down. Extra
blubber could be shipped off with the oil. The Sable products would supply
soap-makers in Cape Breton.
In the event, the
Portuguese abandoned Sable Island. In fact, Portugal spurned all northern
new lands. Its rulers pursued empire elsewhere. They looked to eastern Asia
and the South Atlantic. But Portuguese efforts at Sable left a legacy. They
were among the first attempts to settle the New
World. And for Sable itself, their actions were seminal. Sable history
began under Portuguese auspices. The Fagundes/Barcelos exploits have
a valid claim to fame.
Chance Discoverers of Sable
That an explorer discovered Sable is as likely as it is apt. Still, there is
another might-have-been. Some
unknown ship in the fishery may have come upon the island by chance. Lack of
a record does not disprove the event. Few fishermen's exploits were
preserved in writing. But the pattern of their activities in the New World
is known.
The western fishery, as
mentioned, emerged at Newfoundland. Two types of fishing developed. They
were called dry and wet (or green). In the dry fishery, boats went out from
shore. They brought the catch right back to salt and dry on flakes. In the
wet fishery, cod were caught from a ship's deck. They were salted and stored
on board, then taken straight to Europe. (A dressed wet cod looked
and felt like a fish. A split and dried
cod resembled a triangle of wood.) Wet cod were preferred in the
Paris market. So the French specialized in the green fishery. Their ships
wandered far from shore. While explorers sought new lands, fishermen
surveyed the offshore banks. They discovered the Grand Banks, where the fish
were larger and sweeter than inshore.
Cod was the prize fish.
Besides abundance, it had two special virtues. It was easily caught, and it
preserved well. The first trait appealed to fishermen, the second to all
seafarers. Dried cod was ideal food for long voyages. Salt provided a bonus:
taste. Salt cod was universally preferred to fresh. Another asset of the cod
for this era was its size. North American waters spawned fish larger than
any yet known. A full-grown cod was 2 to 4 feet long, 20 to 100 pounds
(though a limit of 60 was more common). The usual method for catching fish
on the banks was handlining. From the ship's deck, an angler hooked one fish
at a time. The larger the fish caught with each pull, the better.
Banks cod often shifted from place to place. Bottom dwellers most of the
time, they were not
easy to locate. A single-size group might bunch up in one place for a week
or more. Sometimes cod would gather in one location but be widely scattered.
At other times, a whole formation was on the move. All the fish kept to one
course, like an underwater convoy. (Only at certain seasons, in pursuit of
capelin prey, did myriad cod come to the surface.)
Little was known of the
whys and wherefores of the cod's movements. (They were governed by access to
food, water temperature, and the spawning instinct.) The most regular
migration was in and out from shore.
Winter feeding grounds were generally in deep water. In spring, cod headed
toward the nearest coast. They spawned in the shoal waters on the
continental shelf. Here the sea teemed with tiny creatures that nourished
the newborn cod. After spawning, the adult fish moved on. They sought
grounds better stocked with their kind of food. The fishermen observed the
general patterns. Still, to them the cod movements were largely a mystery.
One fundamental belief ruled their working lives. When cod were scarce in
one spot, they were plentiful somewhere else.
The habits of the cod suggest a line of thought. Exactly when the Grand
Banks fishery began
is unclear. The French were among the
first to exploit it.
Their ships made two banks trips a season. A
ship on the Grand Banks might pursue cod westward. There lay Sable Island
Bank, with Sable itself atop the closest part. And just off its east end lay
one of the sea's best fishing holes. Discovery of this fact attracted more
vessels. The French were fishing near Sable as early as 1539. "Sable Island
was known and the fishery there was carried on by hook and line." But
Portugal had discovered the island
well before then.
The fishery near Sable
prompts further surmise. On later maps, names like I. de Sablo (or
Sablon), Isola della Rena, and Île de
Sable came to the fore. All were intended to mean Island of Sand. The
descriptive name became an international commonplace. Its most
frequent usage, and likely source, was among
fishermen. They knew that no name fit
Sable better. For this reason, no one person need have coined
the term. And that it found favour is
entirely apt. The name rightly outlasted more formal ones aiming to
stake a national claim. (The English chose not to translate the expression
to Sandy Island. They came to use a corrupted form of the French name. They
called the island Isle of Sable(s). Eventually English Canada adopted the
‘bilingual' name Sable Island.)
There is, of course, one more way for Sable to be discovered. It is a time-honoured
formula. A ship
is driven by stress of weather to parts unknown. Any ship that made a
Newfoundland voyage might suffer this fate. Wind and currents might bring a
crew to Sable Island. Such obscure Sable ‘discoverers,’ though, were not apt
to live to tell the tale. They were more likely to fall victim to the deadly
sandbars.
A French claim
One more early contender
for Sable renown has been put forth. He embodies France's first claim to
Sable. Or rather, he would do so if he existed. The French author Lescarbot
introduced him to the world as "Baron de Léri and de St. Just, Viscount of
Gueu." (The surname is more commonly spelled de Léry.) Lescarbot said de
Léry tried to found a French colony. The passage from France, however, took
too long. So de Léry was forced to put off at Sable "his livestock, cows,
and pigs, for want of fresh water and pasture." (This wording implies that
Sable was not the targeted site.) It follows that de Léry began the herd of
Sable cattle.
A Dutch writer, de Laet,
adopted, and stretched, Lescarbot's account. He said de Léry commanded a
1518 French expedition. Its purpose was to found a colony on Sable Island.
De Léry was attracted "by the convenience of the spot." But after spending
time on Sable, he changed his mind. De Léry abandoned his enterprise. The
only effect of his visit was the cattle and swine left behind. De Laet said
the Portuguese came to Sable after de Léry. Their efforts met with no better
success.
Critics have noted a
number of flaws in the de Léry story. The chief weakness is that Lescarbot
is its sole known source. His Baron de Léry
has never been traced. And the time of the alleged event is
uncertain. Lescarbot gave two different dates for it. In 1609 he said that
it happened "about eighty years ago." But
he used the same phrase elsewhere in a 1598 context. Most later writers
opted for 1518; some chose 1529. Either date would fall "in the time
of King Francis
I."
The most extreme claim
for de Léry was made by the Québécois writer Taché. He indulged a pro-myth
and pro-French bias. De Léry, he claimed, founded the race of Sable horses.
To honour the baron, Taché calls the island equines "léris."
To
Lescarbot may go credit for the first Sable myth. This point is worth
noting. In time, the number of Sable legends would rival its mysteries. The
odd historian has backed Lescarbot's version. But the scholarly consensus is
clear. Portugal, not France, was the source of the first Sable livestock.
Sable Island’s First
People and Livestock
© Lyall Campbell,
2006
Permission for exclusive
use on the website of the Sable Island Green Horse Society.
All other rights
reserved by the author.
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Notes
on the above (ZL, 2006)
train oil
Train oil is oil
extracted from the blubber of marine mammals (e.g. seals and whales).
Derived from
words meaning “droplet” or “tear” (i.e. Middle Dutch traen or Middle
Low German trān, German tran, related to träne). The
oil was originally extracted drop by drop by pressing the whale blubber.
From the 16th to 19th century, the oil was important for soapmaking and as a
fuel for lamps.
(Sources: The
Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology; Encyclopædia Britannica.)
flake
A
fish flake is a platform built on poles and spread with boughs (sometimes
spruce) for drying cod-fish. At the start of the drying season, usually
mid-August to early September, the cod were spread out to bleach in the sun
and air after being cured all summer in stages under a heavy spreading of
salt. Such structures were located near the shoreline at fishing villages
and small towns in rural Newfoundland. (Source: Wikipedia.org) |